The Rise of Aboriginal Organized Crime

Springtime in Winnipeg is usually a time for rejuvenation and a celebration for those who have suffered through a long and cold winter. However, springtime in Winnipeg has also been known to be unpredictable and has lead to many storms and or floods. The spring of 1988 was unpredictable for a different reason. Ray Armstrong and Richard Wolfe, two bored disenfranchised Aboriginal teens, co-founded a gang known as the Indian Posse[1]. Unbeknownst to these two individuals and to the rest of Canada, these actions led to the creation of Aboriginal street gangs and the rise of Aboriginal Organized Crime, with Winnipeg being credited as the birthplace of Aboriginal Street Gangs [2].

What are the main causes for Aboriginal youth to enter the gang life? Why are Aboriginal youth more at risk? This paper will examine some of the causes of aboriginal youth to enter gangs as well as a brief history of three of these gangs. Discussion will also focus on traditional aboriginal justice as well as initiatives brought forward by Aboriginal groups, government and law.

The first of many Aboriginal street gangs, the Indian Posse was formed in 1988. Over a short period of time, these individuals graduated from bicycle and car theft, and other property crimes to assault and attempted homicide[3]. Members can be identified with the letters “I.P” tattooed on their arms or hands and identify themselves with the colour red.[4]

As reported in Inside prison.com Richard Wolfe’s original intent for fostering the gang was to restore pride in Aboriginal youth.
"When you see Red, you see a proud Indian stand tall for what he or she believes in...We all have to remember we're all in it together & will die together & sometime down the road we will be remember[ed] as proud Indians".[5]

Eventhough his intent may have seemed honourable, his actions did not follow suit. In 1996, Richard Wolfe was convicted of attempted murder, robbery and using a shotgun.
Another Aboriginal gang, The Native Syndicate, was formed in the early 1990’s in the Saskatchewan Penitentiary as well as the Regina Correctional Centre. Members can be identified with a tattoo of N.S, in red with a black border usually found between the thumb and forefinger[6]. As of the year 2000, there were thirty five identified active members and nineteen inactive members in the Winnipeg Police Service’s records. Many members are apparently active in northern First Nation Communities.[7]

The Manitoba Warriors, the third Aboriginal gang of significance, may have been formed in 1992 though there is no concrete data on the origins of the gang. The Manitoba Warriors are older and more organized than other street gangs. They model themselves more after an outlaw motorcycle gang, wearing similar clothing and jackets with “patches” displaying their colours. The Manitoba Warriors and the Hell’s Angels in Winnipeg have traditionally fought over the city’s lucrative drug trade[8].

Within these three Aboriginal gangs there have been some powerful reasons identifying why these and other Aboriginal youth join gangs. The following reasons are and not limited to; poverty, broken homes, lack of resources, boredom, money, power and excitement as well as disenfranchisement from family, school and the community.[9] Furthermore, according to the Government of Manitoba’s webpage under Aboriginal People in Justice 2000, they have quoted from the Red Cross, that;

“Gangs often meet the needs of youth that are not being met at home. Gangs provide a type of family, a sense of belonging, and ironically, a sense of safety…. Gangs provided food, money, a place to stay and friendship…. These same youths were then expected to participate in criminal and violent activity by the gang.” [10]

The Government of Manitoba also states that Aboriginal youth whether gang affiliated or not, are far more likely to run into trouble with the law. For aboriginal youth aged 12-17, there were a total of 1,263 admissions to youth correctional facilities in 1997-1998. This represented over 70% of all admissions to the Remand Centre.[11] There are further estimates stating that aboriginal youths are 12.4 times more likely to be admitted to youth correctional facilities overall and 22.4 times as likely if they are female Aboriginals.[12]

More reports indicate a very grim picture of aboriginal life as a youth, which may suggest more reasons why these vulnerable individuals enter gangs. On a national level 57% of aboriginal youth aged 15-24 live in two-parent families. In addition, 255 of aboriginal youths live in single parent families and 18% in non-family settings. In Winnipeg alone, 34% of Aboriginal youths are in single parent homes. With these numbers in mind, aboriginal youth are three times as likely to live with a single parent as a non- Aboriginal youth.[13] There is also the fact that aboriginal youth are more likely to be single parents themselves, 3.4 times more than the national average. Manitoba also has the largest percentage of Aboriginal youth that head single parent families compared to the national average: 6.4% for Manitoba verses 5.1% for Canada.[14]

According to the Government of Manitoba, Winnipeg itself has the highest rates of aboriginal youth as single parents at 10.7%, with 90% of those youths being female.[15] These numbers indicate a sad and sorry state for Aboriginal youth. Consequently, gang activity may be considered an avenue for “fast and easy” money in order to support a family when other resources may be unavailable.

Aboriginal youth in the Prairie Provinces find themselves predominately in street gang related activities. However, across the country, variations in gang activity have led law enforcement agencies to note specific regional differences. According to the Criminal Intelligence Service of Canada;
“There are regional differences in Aboriginal-based organized crime’s (ABOC) structure and nature. In Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba, ABOC is almost exclusively composed of street gangs, while in Ontario and Quebec Aboriginal-based groups located near or along the Canada/U.S. border are involved in criminal activities that facilitate cross-border smuggling and the inter- and intra-provincial distribution of contraband.” [16]
This report further states;
“Organized criminal activities on reserves, like in any small community, significantly affect the residents’ quality of life, sense of community and social well-being. Organized criminals can exploit the tight kinship networks in small communities, often dividing families that have members who either criminally gain or may be opposed to the criminality. In addition, depending on the nature of criminal activities undertaken, organized crime groups can pose a threat to public health and safety to those who live on and around the reserves.”[17]
While this report has significant importance in gathering intelligence on gangs and their activities, it does not review nor state any resolutions to help with curbing gang activity, more specifically aboriginal gang activity.
Where should society intervene? What can society do to help “Aboriginal Youth at Risk?” In 2004 the Government of Manitoba published a handbook entitled Gangs and gang prevention. This document, complied from the files of the Winnipeg Police Service, the RCMP and the Manitoba Justice Department, contain chapters involving the identification of gang members, gang activity and what the community could do to help curb gang activity. This report is quite general and does not specifically deal with Aboriginal Youth. The report only refers to Aboriginal culture in two places, first towards Elders and also regards to the two First Nation’s child and family service agencies as well as the Manitoba Métis Federation’s child and family services. Perhaps the province does not want to appear biased, since all gangs are not just an Aboriginal issue. I believe that Aboriginals are the most exploited group in all areas of law, including criminal law. This statement is supported by the report on Aboriginal Organized Crime by the Canadian Criminal Intelligence Service which states:
“ABOC (Aboriginal Organized Crime) supports and facilitates criminal activities for other organized crime groups, particularly the HELLS ANGELS and Asian-based networks. These two groups supply a number of Aboriginal-based street gangs with low-level quantities of illicit drugs, including marihuana, cocaine and methamphetamine” [18].
This clearly shows that even criminal organizations such as the Hell’s Angels who are known for their racist views are willing to exploit Aboriginal gangs and in particular Aboriginal youths, to sell drugs and be involved in criminal activity. The use of youth gangs has the added benefit of circumventing sentencing themselves.[19]
Not only are Aboriginals exploited by other criminal organizations there is also evidence of many double standards for Aboriginal youth and gang members who become involved with the law. In his report on Aboriginal Gangs in the Federal Corrections system, Ovide Mercredi finds many flaws in the Canadian justice system when dealing with Aboriginal gang members. According to Mr. Mercredi:
“The over-representation of Aboriginal Peoples in the criminal justice system in Canada is but one indicator of how difficult it is today for aboriginal peoples to make a good life within Canada. The emergence of aboriginal youth gangs and the fear and threat they represent to Canadian authorities of social control is a mere reflection of the enormous challenges Aboriginal people have in trying to survive ( “as Canadians.”).”[20]
During his interviews, Mr. Mercredi also found that those Aboriginal Youths who were “labeled” as a gang member or as an associate were denied access to programs based on this stigma. Mr. Mercredi reports from his interviews with aboriginal offenders;
“By their definition of double jeopardy, they mean that they face the prospect of discriminatory treatment twice: once as an aboriginal offender and again as a member or alleged member of an Aboriginal Youth Gang.”[21]
There is a further explanation of the stigma associated with labeling Aboriginal gang members:
“Societal labeling such as the term “gang” carries with it a cultural definition that is neither positive nor desirable…. The Correctional service of Canada needs to re-evaluate the labeling of gang members. The approach taken by the police and the courts in the labeling of Aboriginal gang members as members of a criminal organization is a response to the public’s fear of gangs and a reaction to public pressure by “white” politicians, with the help of the “white” media, to create the image of Aboriginal youth as dangerous and violent criminals.”[22].
While I agree with Mr. Mercredi on the media sensation which labels youths involved in crime as “punks” or “gang” members, I believe that there should be careful consideration when labeling any youth a “gang” member. Mr. Mercredi also believes that the true nature of the crime and the offender should be assessed and not their “gang” affiliation.[23]. I believe that this is fair and that the approach on dealing with aboriginal offenders should not fall under blanket or generalized statements which lead to prejudice. However, there is still the issue of racism when Aboriginals find themselves involved with the law.
During the early part of the 1980’s, Carsten Stroud spent some time in Winnipeg researching for his book about police officers in Canada. Though dated, I feel that the comments made in his book still reflect many myths and prejudices faced by Aboriginal people today. During this time, the Winnipeg Police Service was known as the Winnipeg Police Force, there was no street gang unit nor even a robbery or separate homicide unit. There was a Major Crimes unit which at that time was responsible for investigating such crimes as rape, murder and robbery[24]. Street gangs in Winnipeg were non-existent in the early 1980’s yet the plight of Aboriginal people and their association with the law was obvious and extremely negative. The following quote clearly illustrates this problem:
“we stood out on the frigid street in front of the Princess bar and considered the massive back of the last man in line in front of us. I suggested we go in another. Harper looked at me briefly with cool dislike and put his right hand, tapping his fingers in the long black hair of the man in front of us. The man jumped and spun around, his face puffy and dark. He was an Indian [sic], maybe a Cree or Ojibway, and he had once been beautiful, but that was a long time in the past… He knocked Harper’s hand away and moved in to hit the detective… Harper just followed the Indian’s [sic] direction…. Delivering a coup into the man’s right kidney…. He recognized the detectives…. You were bugged about the Indian [sic] right? You think we should have been polite…. You don’t know shit about this town… we are sitting in the middle of the biggest Indian [sic] Reservation in Canada. In the hotels around here I figure any night you could five, six thousand Indians [sic], men and women… Ask anyone who deals with Indians [sic] and he’ll [sic] tell you the same thing; they’re crazy, sad, rough…. We’ve been looting from these people for three hundred years. It’s still going on…. What’s really going on here is genocide by neglect!... What do you think it is that keeps people inside the law?... they keep inside the law because they have something to lose…. We’ve robbed these people of everything worth having and now we’re surprised that they don’t give a shit about life…. I’m a cop and I tell you my life wouldn’t be worth shit in any alley or bar in Winnipeg if the breeds [sic] didn’t know I was even meaner than they were… I treat them like men, like they were braves.”[25]
From a personal point of view, having worked as a correctional officer and dealing with Aboriginal offenders, I always found the best approach was to be professional and respectful. The blatant racism and corrupt justification quoted above is bothersome and still exists in Canadian society today. The solution needed for aboriginal offenders, gang members or not, is understanding of the aboriginal culture and way of life.
Prior to contact with the Europeans, each Aboriginal nation had its own set of values, governance and law. [26] For example the Plains Cree Nation had laws which were mainly enforced by the Chief. The Plains Cree chief was chosen based on his personal attributes, skills as a hunter and warrior as well as generosity and courage. The Chief’s duties included the necessity of moving camp and charting migration. There was also the responsibility of mediating disputes and the restoration of harmony between hostile parties. There were two primary laws within the Plains Cree society; the first was that no family was to leave or separate from the band without permission. The second was that no individual hunter could begin the buffalo chase until all fellow hunters were ready. These laws were followed and enforced by the entire community. Retaliation for a murder of a loved one or relative was accepted and in some cases expected, and usually took the form of execution. Theft among the Plains Cree was rare; the taking of an article was not considered stealing if the item was needed[27].
Similar traditions of self –governance were present in Cree society. The individual was taught from birth by their elders that all citizens were expected to possess self control. The goal and objective of Cree laws was to protect life to ensure the continued existence of the Cree nation[28].
Law enforcement also showed some similarities between First Nations. Evidence has shown that the Sioux or Dakota of Manitoba had rotating police forces which enforced the nation’s law. The Blackfoot had a complex system of rotating police, while the Cree had a more permanent system of enforcement. Most of these “police forces” were comprised of young warriors who were charged with policing the summer camp during the hunt[29]. Strong moral codes were instilled into the young by their elders and passed from one generation to the next.[30].
From these examples, Aboriginal youth are seen to have a culture-based history of self-government within a tight –knit community or group. Consequently, Canadian society needs to recognize the unique culture and status of aboriginal peoples when dealing with the rise of Aboriginal gangs as well as the criminal justice system. The traditional Aboriginal way of life has displayed the characteristics of a society capable of providing a system of justice in accordance to their customs and way of life. This is not to suggest that Aboriginals involved in criminal activity or gang activity should go unpunished by the law of Canadian society. Rather, there needs to be a system put in place that will treat aboriginal offenders with empathy, understanding and respect towards their culture.
In order to prevent Aboriginal youth from entering gangs, society must find and eliminate true causes for youth at risk. As identified earlier, some root causes are poverty, boredom, disenfranchisement and the lure of power and excitement. The creation of an aboriginal youth drop-in centre in community at risk may be one example of how to positively help youth at risk. These centers could be run by Elders or other Aboriginal leaders and could embrace Aboriginal Youth at risk with a history of their culture and way of life from an Aboriginal perspective. Currently in Winnipeg, the trend is to close community centers and amalgamate smaller centers with larger ones in order to cut costs. I propose that some of the centers up for closure should be donated to Aboriginal groups and used as drop-in centers where youth at risk can find support and care from their own communities. This could replace and reduce the attraction of gangs which offer the perception of care and support within the gang itself. Such an initiative could teach these youths how to raise their families, develop skills needed to enter the workforce, provide healthy lifestyle choices and offer insight into traditional ways of life. Through these centers, Aboriginal youths may then develop the ability to make positive choices for themselves.
In his report, Ovide Mercredi recommends that the Correctional Service of Canada involve the healing and educational institutions of Aboriginal peoples, and to deliver the educational and counseling opportunities that are culturally appropriate and effective in addressing aboriginal gang members’ needs[31].

Mr. Mercredi further recommends;
“That CSC(Correctional Service of Canada) utilizes contractual arrangements with aboriginal educational and healing institutions as a means of providing the kind of programming that will not only be more appropriate but would have built-in to this arrangement, the kind of aboriginal community participation and responsibility that is currently missing within the Core Programs now offered by CSC.”[32]
In his report, Mr. Mercredi points out seven “lessons” or “teachings” of traditional people that could be incorporated into aboriginal programs for Aboriginal offenders;
1. Non-violence is a personal duty and way of life;
2. Kindness is a strength and a way of life;
3. Honesty is truth and a way of life;
4. Sharing is empowering and a way of life;
5. Individual self-responsibility is uplifting and a way of life;
6. Self-forgiveness is an act of love and a way of life;
7. Caring for yourself and others is spiritual and a way of life[33].
Allowing Elders to provide teaching to Aboriginal offenders would be far more effective than traditional programs that are based on mainstream “norms” and not on the reality that Aboriginal gang members face.
The province of Manitoba has enacted several laws in order to deal with the emergence of street gangs. This legislation is different from the Criminal Code of Canada. In 1997, section 467.1 of the Criminal code of Canada was amended to include the definition of a “Criminal Organization.”
A Criminal organization defined as a group, however organized, that:
a) is composed of three or more persons in or outside of Canada; and
b) has one of its main purposes or main activities the facilitation or commission of one or more serious offences that, if committed, would likely result in the direct or indirect receipt of a material benefit, including financial benefit, by the group or by any persons who constitute the group[34].
In 1999, the Government of Manitoba charged thirty-five members of the Manitoba Warriors under this offence. No verdict was ever handed down under section 467.1 in this particular case.
The determination of gang membership is more specific in the province of Manitoba by the following criteria;
1) the individual has been identified by reliable sources as a gang member
2) associates with known gang members
3) admits to gang membership
4) is involved in gang motivated crime
5) has a judge state they were a gang member in court rulings
6) displays common gang symbols[35]
The Government of Manitoba also notes that individuals must meet the fourth criteria as well as any two others in order to defined as a gang member and placed in the gang member data-base. Manitoba also enacted three new laws in order to deal with gangs. The Safer Communities and Neighbourhoods Act (SCNA), The Fortified Buildings Act and The Civil Remedies against Organized Crime Act.
The Safer Communities and Neighbourhoods Act (SCNA) was passed in February of 2002. This act targets properties that are habitually used by gangs and individuals for the purpose of drugs, prostitution, solvent abuse and illegal liquor sales. There is a complaint process for concerned and affected residents. These individuals can file a complaint with Manitoba’s Director of Public Safety. Once a complaint is lodged, an investigation is scheduled and the owner of the property is given notice to provide means to rid the property of such activity including eviction if necessary[36].
The Fortified Buildings Act was put into force in May 2002. A “fortified building” is defined as buildings that have barriers, barred windows or doors, bulletproof windows or protective casings. This act allows the province’s Director of Public Safety to designate a fortified building as a threat to public safety. Furthermore, the act recognizes fortified buildings that are used for criminal activity[37].
The Civil Remedies against Organized Crime Act was enacted in December of 2002. This act has given police in Manitoba the right to apply in the Court of Queens Bench for three different types of applications against suspected organized crime activity. If the court is satisfied that the managers or owners of a business are members of a criminal organization as defined under sec. 467.1(1) of the Criminal Code of Canada, the court can withhold provincial tax or liquor licences that are needed to operate the business. If a business is knowingly operated for unlawful purposes and the court is satisfied of this, an order can be issued to cease operations and liquidate the assets. The last order states that if the court is satisfied that there is a conspiracy by two or more people to commit unlawful acts that may likely cause injury to the public, an order can be made to stop these acts. Under this act, it is also an offence to wear gang colours in a licenced establishment[38].
Also in December of 2002, The Liquor control Amendment Act was enacted. This makes it a provincial offence to wear gang colours in a licenced establishment.
Further law in Manitoba, under section 2 of The Education Administration Act and section 41(y) of The Public Schools Act, there is a ban of the wearing of gang colors, signs, symbols or any other type of identification of a gang within Manitoba schools[39]
Though these laws are important and may be effective tools in fighting organized crime, there is no clear focus on fighting Aboriginal Organized Crime.
With regard to section 467.11-13 of the Criminal Code, there are a few cases before the courts that provide further insight into this legislation. In R. v. Vermette, and between R. v. Myran, Cook and Courchene[40], all four of the accused were arrested and originally charged in 1998 in an undercover operation conducted by the Winnipeg Police Service and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police[41]. The investigation was called “Operation Northern Snow”[42]. In total thirty-five members and associates of the Manitoba Warriors were charged under sec. 467.11 of the Criminal Code. However, before the case went to trial, eighteen of the accused plead guilty to various other charges and were sentenced by various other judges, with sentences ranging from six to nine years for drug trafficking[43]. The sentencing of the accused charged under operation Northern Snow, namely Myron, Cook, Vermette and Courchene was for drug trafficking, not gang –related activity specifically.[44] All four accused appealed on the following grounds;
“The sentencing judge did not give proper effect to s. 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code of Canada which states; the available sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable circumstances should be considered for all offenders, with particular attention to the circumstances of aboriginal offenders.”[45]
It was also brought forth that the sentencing judge did not properly apply credit for pre-sentencing custody and that the sentences were harsh given the backgrounds of the accused and the nature of the offences, as well as parity with other sentencing precedents[46]. The accused in this case have argued that their record of poverty and racism led them to their gang activity which gave them a sense of identity, power and belonging that they felt was denied to them from society[47]. Throughout the appeal decision, the gang membership of the accused was acknowledged as part of the consideration for sentencing. The judge in this case stated that;
“the background of the accused and factors of systemic discrimination must be considered, I find the above argument minimizes the organized, commercial, greed-driven nature of illegal activity… Leaders of gangs and gang members make a very deliberate choice to lead a criminal lifestyle. R. v. Gladue was never meant to shield organized and violent cocaine traffickers who prey upon and exploit the most vulnerable members of our society for profit.”[48]
The judge in this case furthered ruled that the sentencing for Vermette was not “demonstrably unfit”[49], due to his high rank within the gang as well as his level of involvement in the conspiracy to sell cocaine. His appeal was dismissed.
In regards to Courchene, his membership on the executive of the gang also played a role in the ruling. Although not involved in the trafficking of cocaine, the judge found his sentence not to be “demonstrably unfit.” His appeal was dismissed.
In regards to the other co-accused; Myran’s appeal was dismissed. While he was a low level member of the gang, he was highly involved in the conspiracy to traffic cocaine[50]. In contrast, Cook’s appeal was allowed, because he had no prior drug convictions and was considered a low level member in both the gang and the conspiracy to traffic cocaine[51].
Even though none of the accused was convicted based on section 467.11 of the Criminal code of Canada, ie. Charges based on membership in a criminal organization, their role in a gang was taken into consideration in regards to their original sentences and their appeals. This indicates some inconsistency in the application of this new anti- gang law in the Criminal Code of Canada.
However, there has been one case in Montreal that appears to be the first conviction of a street gang member to be convicted under sec. 467.11 of the Criminal Code of Canada. Bernard Mathieu was convicted and sentenced to ten years imprisonment under the anti-gang law under sec. 467.11 of the Criminal Code of Canada, in (R. v. Aurelieus, 2007 QCCQ). [52] According to the CBC report; “Gangsterism is defined as working with other people to further the ends of a criminal organization. The case involving Mathieu is believed to be the first ruling in Canada that recognizes a street gang as a criminal organization.”[53]. Other organized crime groups have received similar rulings. In R. v. Linsday, Patrick Steven[54], the accused were found guilty of being members of a criminal organization. However, the individuals in R. v. Linsday were members of the Hell’s Angels and not a “street” gang.
There is one initiative within the Correctional system that may offer hope to Aboriginals who are involved in organized crime and gangs.
The Aboriginal Gang Imitative (AGI) was launched on September 4, 2001.[55] This program seeks to bring Aboriginal Communities and the Correctional Service of Canada together to resolve the issues facing Aboriginal gang members and to help those individuals reintegrate into society. The program was renamed “Bimosewin” and was primarily based in Stony Mountain Institution as well as Rockwood Institution. The program was based on the Mercredi report that stressed the importance of the involvement of the Aboriginal community and Elders in the healing process[56].
In 2002, Bimosewin stated its primary objective was;
“To assist in the disengagement of Aboriginal Gang members from organized crime activities and in their safe reintegration into the community as law-abiding citizens.”[57]
This program (Bimosewin) was dissolved in 2004. The Correctional Service of Canada has attributed many problems to the program’s demise, from lack of internal cooperation between staff, lack of resources to deal with gang members in the community after release, to the “unrealistic” goal according to CSC management of tying the program together with the offenders and the community. CSC states that although the program had noble intentions, the realities of gang membership in the community and the inability to gather support from such individuals as well as the realities of life in prison (disengaging from a gang while still in gaol) far outweighed the programs intentions. Furthermore, according to the CSC, there was little evidence of offenders disengaging from gang life after release[58].
The latest update from the CSC towards Bimosewin is from February of 2006, and states;
“ That the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) re-configure the Aboriginal Gang Initiative and its management structure in such a way that the initiative is effective in addressing Aboriginal Gang issues.”[59]
Sadly, this is the kind of rhetoric that Aboriginals are used to hearing from any Government Agency. As stated earlier, there are some identifiers to the root causes of why Aboriginal youth join gang life. There have been attempts by the Federal Government to address the issue of gangs through the law; however these laws are not specific to Aboriginal needs. There needs to be strong initiatives brought forward and given the opportunity to work, and they should be initiated and developed by Aboriginal groups and Elders. There are many examples of Aboriginal Restorative Justice in Manitoba. The Mee-noo-stah-tan Mi-ni-si-win project is a family justice system that is based on the resolution of conflict through a manner that is similar to family group conferencing[60]. Other programs include the following;
1.Hollow Water Community Holistic Circle Healing Program- This program deals with sexual abuse and domestic violence[61].
2. Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak Incorporated- This program is designed to use traditional ways of justice within First Nations communities.[62]
3. Onashowewin Incorporated- Located in Winnipeg, this program is given referrals from the Crown and works with offenders, victims, the community and Elders. The goal of this program is to work with offenders in holding them accountable for their actions.[63].
These programs are clear indicators that the Aboriginal community is capable of providing not only justice programs but also restorative justice as well as healing. There needs to be similar programs deal specifically with Aboriginal organized crime, especially youth gangs. Such an initiative would utilize Aboriginal traditions and choices to lead to a better life than that of a gang member. By providing a better sense of community from within the existing Aboriginal communities, Aboriginal youths at risk can choose a life this based on respect, purity and kindness that is the basis of traditional Aboriginal culture.










































Appendix A





[64]


















Appendix B




[65]




















Appendix C




Aboriginal Youth (15-24) Neither Attending School Nor Participating in the Labour Market, 1996
[66]















Appendix D





[67]



















Works Cited

CanLii. R. v. Pangman et al., 2001 MBCA 64. 5-4-2001. 3-3-2007. Ref Type: Hearing
CBC News. Montreal Gang leader sentenced to Ten Years. 22-2-2007. 3-3-2007. Ref Type: Internet Communication
Correctional Service of Canada. Correctional Service of Canada. 2006.
Criminal Intelligence Service of Canada. Organized Crime in Canada Annual Report 2006. 2006.
firstnationsdrum.com. Gangsters Out to Beat the Rap. 2000a. 13-3-2007a. Ref Type: Internet Communication
firstnationsdrum.com. Gangsters Out to Beat the Rap. 2000b. 13-3-2007b. Ref Type: Internet Communication
Government of Manitoba. Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 4 : Education and Training. 2000.
Government of Manitoba. Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 5: Justice. 2000.
Government of Manitoba. Community-Based Justice Programs - Manitoba. 2000.
Government of Manitoba. Project Gang Proof: Gangs, a Handbook for Families and Community Members. 2004.
Inside Prison.com. Indian Posse. 2007. 13-3-2007. Ref Type: Internet Communication
Inside Prison.com. Native Syndicate. 2007. 13-3-2007. Ref Type: Internet Communication
Jefferson, Christie. Conquest By Law. Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1994.
Mercredi, Ovide W. Aboriginal Gangs: A Report to the Correctional Service of Canada on Aboriginal Youth Gang Members in the Federal Corrections System. 2000.
Sinclair Jr.Gordon. Cowboys and Indians: the Shooting of JJ. Harper. 1st ed. Toronto: McClelland&Stewart Inc., 1999.
Stroud, Carsten. The Blue Wall: Street Cops in Canada. 1st ed. Toronto: McClelland&Stewart ltd., 1983.
Turenne, Paul. "Drugs and violence, the common thread." The Ottawa Sun 6 May 2006.


[1] Sinclair Jr.Gordon, Cowboys and Indians: the shooting of JJ. Harper, 1st ed., (Toronto: McClelland&Stewart Inc., 1999) .
[2] firstnationsdrum.com, "Gangsters Out to Beat the Rap," 2000a) .
[3] Inside Prison.com, "Indian Posse," 2007) .
[4] Inside Prison.com, "Indian Posse," 2007) .
[5] Inside Prison.com, "Indian Posse," 2007) .
[6] Inside Prison.com, "Native Syndicate," 2007) .
[7] Inside Prison.com, "Native Syndicate," 2007) .
[8] firstnationsdrum.com, "Gangsters Out to Beat the Rap," 2000b) .
[9] Government of Manitoba, "Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 5: Justice," (2000)..mb.gov.ca
[10]Ibid
[11] Ibid
[12] Ibid
[13] Government of Manitoba, "Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 4 : Education and Training," (2000).
[14] Ibid
[15] Ibid
[16] Criminal Intelligence Service of Canada, "Organized Crime in Canada Annual Report 2006," (2006).
[17]Ibid
[18] Criminal Intelligence Service of Canada, "Organized Crime in Canada Annual Report 2006," (2006).
[19] Paul Turenne, "Drugs and violence, the common thread," The Ottawa Sun (May 6, 2006).
[20] Ovide W Mercredi, "Aboriginal Gangs: A Report to the Correctional Service of Canada on Aboriginal Youth Gang Members in the Federal Corrections System," (2000).
[21] Ovide W Mercredi, "Aboriginal Gangs: A Report to the Correctional Service of Canada on Aboriginal Youth Gang Members in the Federal Corrections System," (2000).
[22] Ibid
[23] Ibid
[24] Carsten Stroud, The Blue Wall: Street Cops in Canada, 1st ed., (Toronto: McClelland&Stewart ltd., 1983) .
[25] Ibid
[26] Christie Jefferson, "Conquest By Law," (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1994).
[27] Ibid
[28] Ibid
[29] Ibid
[30] Ibid
[31] Ovide W Mercredi, "Aboriginal Gangs: A Report to the Correctional Service of Canada on Aboriginal Youth Gang Members in the Federal Corrections System," (2000).
[32] Ibid
[33] Ibid
[34] Government of Manitoba, "Project Gang Proof: Gangs, a handbook for families and community members," (2004), 1-50.
[35] Ibid
[36] Ibid
[37] Ibid
[38] Ibid
[39] Ibid
[40] CanLii, "R. v. Pangman et al., 2001 MBCA 64," 2001) .
[41] Ibid
[42] Ibid
[43] Ibid
[44] Ibid
[45] Ibid
[46] Ibid
[47] Ibid
[48] Ibid
[49]Ibid
[50] Ibid
[51] Ibid
[52] Canlii R. v. Aurelieus, 2007 QCCQ
[53] CBC News, "Montreal Gang leader sentenced to Ten Years," 2007) .
[54] Correctional Service of Canada, "Correctional Service of Canada," (2006).
[55] Ibid
[56] Ibid
[57] Ibid
[58] Ibid
[59] Ibid
[60] Government of Manitoba, "Community-Based Justice Programs - Manitoba," (2000).
[61] Ibid
[62] Ibid
[63] Ibid
[64] Government of Manitoba, "Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 4 : Education and Training," (2000).
[65] Government of Manitoba, "Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 4 : Education and Training," (2000).
[66] Government of Manitoba, "Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 4 : Education and Training," (2000).
[67] Government of Manitoba, "Aboriginal People in Manitoba 2000 Chapter 4 : Education and Training," (2000).